In an  effort to promote this book, I offer you a few excerpts from the first  chapter. The bolds are mine. 
Chapter 1:  Dimensions of Demoralization
If we take organizational morale to be “the enthusiasm and persistence with which a member of a group engages in the prescribed activities of that group” (Manning 1991), the fact that an institution needs to squelch and marginalize its most energetic, most enthusiastic, or best-prepared members tells us these are demoralized institutions…
All this stands behind clocks that don’t get fixed and broken windows that don’t get repaired. Failed institutions make the simplest things difficult. The problems manifest themselves in so many ways that they may obscure the fact that many of the discrete problems are either generated by or reinforced by the sheer lack of connectedness among people. Giving up on the institutional mission goes hand in glove with giving up on one’s colleagues. The denizens of demoralized social spaces do what they have to but without little heart or hope. (p. 23)
Whenever we talk about the social  climate in inner-city schools, we need to make a special effort to  remember that what we are seeing has structural roots. It is all too  easy to see grown people acting like fools and assume that’s all they  are. Take a decently functioning suburban school, take away 40 percent  of its funding, most of its better teachers, and the top-performing 50  percent of its students, and see how much fun faculty meetings would be  after that. If we give people an enormously challenging task and only a  fraction of the resources they need to accomplish it, sooner or later  they start to turn on one another, making the job more difficult still. If we are not mindful of the inadequacy of the resource base,  it always seems as if the problem is just those nutty people teaching in  urban schools, as opposed to the conditions under which we expect them  to teach. (p. 24)
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About the manifestation of weak  social webbing and the Principle of Negative Interpretation:
Whatever other  people do is interpreted in the most negative way possible. If parents  don’t show up at school, what does it mean? That they don’t care. If a  colleague fails to make hall duty, what does it mean? That she’s blowing  off her responsibility. If a principal fails to observe classes? She  doesn’t care about the kids. But if parents do show up? They’re just  coming to stick their noses in our business. If the colleague shows up  for hall duty? Sucking up to the principal. If the principal does start  doing observations? She’s just trying to impress the people downtown—and  why is she just starting now? If a teacher is really nice to students,  they may take that as proof she thinks they’re dumb and won’t hold them  to any standards. If she’s mean? Racist bitch. Ambiguous evidence is  consistently interpreted in the most negative way possible; no one gets  the benefit of the doubt. (p. 25)
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A  negative climate is fertile ground for the development of  factions—older teachers versus younger ones; primary-grade teachers  versus upper grade; third-floor teachers against first-floor teachers;  constructivist, inquiry-oriented teachers versus traditional ones;  teachers in the annex against teachers in the main building;  Spanish-speaking teachers against English-speaking ones; U.S.-born  Spanish-speaking teachers against Spanish-speaking teachers born  elsewhere. Race and ethnicity are powerfully implicated in these  divisions—as well as in most aspects of school interpersonal  dynamics—but rarely acknowledges the 800-pound gorilla that everyone  pretends not to see. (p. 27)
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It  bears repeating that climates of pervasive distrust mean that schools  cannot make use of financial and technical resources even when they  become available. Inner-city schools are criminally under-resourced;  still, in demoralized schools, making resources available hardly means  they will ever be brought to bear. Expensive teaching materials sit on a  shelf because teachers don’t believe they will make any difference, or  they wind up in the room of a teacher who has political pull but no  notion of how to use them. Those conservatives who say urban school  systems waste substantial resources are exactly right, however little  they understand the context. (p. 30)
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The weak social webbing of  bottom-tier schools makes it difficult for the schools to use resources  from the outside, but is also degrades the human resources already  there. In the toughest schools, change agents would be well  advised to proceed as if operating in a place suffering from collective  depression. (p. 31)
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An excerpt from a study done by the Consortium on Chicago School Research:Social  trust is a highly significant factor. In fact, it may well  be that social trust is the key factor associated with improving  schools. Teachers in the top 30 schools generally sense a great deal  of respect from other teachers, indicating that they respect other  teachers who take the lead in school improvement efforts and feel  comfortable expressing their worries and concerns with colleagues. In  contrast, in the bottom 30 schools, teachers explicitly state that they  do not trust each other. They believe that only half of the teachers in  the school really care about each other and they perceive limited  respect from their colleagues.
There were similar patterns in terms of parent-teacher trust: “In the bottom 30 schools… teachers perceive much less respect from parents and report that only about half of their colleagues really care about the local community and feel supported by parents.” (p. 34)
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It  goes without saying that the schools with the weakest social webbing  are likely to be concentrated in the neighborhood with the weakest  social capital… neighborhoods with strong social capital are  four or five times as likely to have high-functioning schools as  neighborhoods where the residents feel disconnected from one another. At  the neighborhood level and at the school level, our most vulnerable  students are vulnerable precisely because they are surrounded by adults  who cannot cooperate with one another. (p. 38)
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The theme of the next two  chapters is that demoralized environments lead to people being invested  in the failure of those around them. My failure gives me reason to hope  for yours. The more plausibly parents can point the finger at teachers,  the less they need to worry about how good a job they are doing as  parents. The more teachers can point to the inadequacies of principals,  the less reason for scrutinizing their own behavior. At the same time,  principals have to answer to the people downtown, and as chapter 5 will  argue, that has meant answering to people who are collectively  incompetent and technically irresponsible. There has not been much  connection between the things that animate them and the lives of  children and parent and teachers. Yet if principals want to keep their  jobs, they have to keep these people happy. This, then, is the terrain  against which inner-city principals must lead, with  the legitimacy of their position up for questioning from the very  beginning, with the people around them predisposed to being critical and  carping and the people above them capable of doing little more than  posing new problems. Small wonder that the micropolitics of many failing  schools becomes particularly contentious or that many principals can’t  find a better way to negotiate their situation than by becoming petty  autocrats. (p. 41)
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I suspect that one of the reasons we have such persistent difficulty appreciating how damnably hard it is to change urban schools is the lack of respect we have for the people who work in them, which then predisposes us to simplistic answers. It is useful to be reminded that it is not, fundamentally, a problem that can be reduced to just the people in schools. The people in inner-city schools are reacting to sustained failure much as people in other failed institutions do. (p. 45)
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The fundamentally ahistorical,  nonsociological, and decontextualized thinking that dominated this  discourse makes it hard to appreciate the overdetermined nature of  failure in the inner city. If we did appreciate it, we wouldn’t have so  many proposals that assume that if we just had more  accountability, if we just had better teachers, if the  teachers just cared more about children, if we just paid them more, if we could just  operate schools under free-market principles, if we could just  operate them more democratically, if we just put a  computer on every desk, if we could just get schools to  make decisions based on data, if we could just make  lifelong learners of teachers, if we just put teachers  in professional learning communities, if we just  guaranteed every child a college education, everything wourd be all  right. There is a mammoth disconnect between what we know  about the complex, self-reinforcing character of failure in bottom-tier  schools and the ultimately simplistic thinking behind many of the most  popular reform proposals. What this seems to imply is not an  argument for this or that program, but rather, for a style of work, a  more intensive and robust way of intervening. (p. 45)
The PP says:
 
 
4 comments:
Another great post, PP.
From my teacher's heart,
Thank You!
Here's a little supplemental reading
on the topic that, teachers cannot be the cure-all for society's ills:
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/brock-cohen/teachers-cannot-cure-the_b_510848.html
I agree with you. Charles Payne's book is great. He expertly diagnoses the problems of urban schools. It's so sad that the education reform conversation in national policy circles has ignored him.
Here's an article that leads me to wonder...
Is it now the business of America to destroy education wherever it exists?
Check this out:
http://www.truthout.org/destroying-educational-institutions-or-using-them-military-purposes-is-a-war-crime58159
Links to the segments
Alexander and Stevenson
http://www.pbs.org/moyers/journal/04022010/watch.html
Moyers on income inequality
http://www.pbs.org/moyers/journal/04022010/watch2.html
Incarceration and prison spending
http://www.pbs.org/moyers/journal/04022010/profile3.html
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